Social Movements - press conferences

New York Campaign to Save the EPA

ecs55@duke.edu — Sat, 05 May 2018 05:26:15 +0000

Refugee Solidarity Protests - March 2018

ib47@duke.edu — Wed, 25 Apr 2018 00:31:50 +0000

#TimesUp: The Black Dress Protest at the 75th Golden Globes Awards

ah316@duke.edu — Mon, 23 Apr 2018 16:48:04 +0000

Non Una Di Meno

ees44@duke.edu — Sun, 22 Apr 2018 23:54:55 +0000

Description:

Non Una Di Meno, meaning Not One More, is a feminist grassroots collective started in 2015 after 22 year-old Sara Di Pietrantonio was burnt to death by her ex-boyfriend. The group was modeled after Ni Una Menos, the feminist movement started in Argentina earlier that year. It is made up of activists from various pre-existing feminist collectives in Italy, and as such, Non Una Di Meno has a broad focus, advocating for equal pay, guaranteed welfare, and abortion rights, and against harassment in the workplace and gender violence. The symbol of the movement is the Russian doll: one woman inside another, from Italy to Latin America, to the whole world.

Goals:

Non Una Di Meno aims to:

Create safe spaces for women to encourage support and solidarity among all female-identifying individuals, as well as centers for women who have experienced gender violence, sexual assault, or relationship violence
Enact a law requiring doctors who refuse to perform abortions to refer women to a clinic or a doctor that will perform it for them, allowing more women to get access to the healthcare they need
Minimize the wage gap between men and women in Italy

and more broadly aims to:

Start a conversation on gender violence in Italy and the institutions that fuel and perpetuate it
Free the minds of Italians from the restricting cages of gender roles
Combat racism, especially between women
Get international recognition and support to show that these problems are not unique to Italy, and affect women world-wide

Non Una Di Meno's plan against gender based violence can be read in more detail here.

Historical/Political Context:

Women in Italy only got the right to vote in 1945, over 20 years later than America. Married women were the property of their husbands until 1919. The fascist government during the Second World War further emphasized the woman's role as a bearer of children for the man, and as someone who tends to the home. Though women have gained a great deal of autonomy since then, the members of Non Una Di Meno believe that with the growing neoliberal society, women are losing some of the rights they fought so hard for over the past decades. In Italy, 1 in 3 women has suffered from some kind of violence in her life. Only 1 in 7 gynecologists will perform an abortion. 1 woman is killed every 3 days by a man/men of whom she is familiar. However, even with stricter punitive laws for those responsible, the problem has not improved. This is because it is a structural problem engrained in society, and this is what Non Una Di Meno grew out of, in order to combat it. They are working to change how we think, see, and talk about our world. These actions are so habitual and so established in society that it is hard to discern them as unnatural. Non Una Di Meno is not the first group of its kind; it is in fact quite young. Differenza Donna is a group that was founded in 1989 and has been working to overcome gender-based violence. Differenza Donna is a part of WAVE (Women Against Violence Europe), a European network of 46 countries fighting against gender-based violence. With this international support, they helped found D.i.Re, an Italian network of women's shelters. The organization Sommosse was founded under similar circumstances to Non Una di Meno's, but almost 10 years earlier. After a woman was assaulted and killed in Rome, this group emerged to join in the struggle against gender violence. So though Non Una di Meno is not the only organization with these aims, it has been instrumental in gaining international attention and due to its support from, and its connection to, many other movements, it has been more successful.

Structure:

Non Una Di Meno is a network composed of "nodes", as they are described by group members. Every city assembly constitutes a "node" in the network. The city assemblies are composed of associations, collectives, and individuals. They meet annually or bi-annually and put together plans, like the National Anti-Violence Plan put together after the first march on Nov 26, 2016, and use those to lobby. Anyone can attend the assemblies and voice their opinion. There is not a specific structure to the leadership of the group, however there is distinction between women who lead and organize the assemblies, centers, marches, donations, social media, etc. and those who simply participate. The leaders in these situations will be leaders from other established groups, or those who are more involved and thus having a higher position in Non Una di Meno. There is no president or traditional group leader distinction, but there is the possibility of being more involved in the organization of the group, or simply joining a demonstration or attending an assembly. Anyone who wants to be more involved and have more responsibility within the group can; there is no election of an exec board or president, for example. The group is made up of mostly women, but there are men who participate, and the group is open to anyone who "wants to fight against masculine violence towards women and all types of gender violence." Non Una Di Meno is made up of people of various classes, races, sexualities, and ages, and they emphasize this diversity as key to the group. They maintain that gaining rights for white, affluent, women does not contribute to creating a long-term solution to institutionalized gender violence.

Genealogy:

Non Una Di Meno was created in 2015 as a response to the brutal murder of a young woman by her ex-boyfriend. The movement was inspired by Ni Una Menos, which began as a response to a similar murder in Argentina. It was started by the leaders of three pre-existing groups, Io Decido, a pro-choice group, UDI – Unione donne in Italia, a group dating back to the 1940s which focuses on achieving equal rights for women in the law, and D.i.Re – Donne In Rete contro la violenza, an Italian network of anti-violence centers and women's homes. These three groups came together, along with hundreds of their volunteers, to create Non Una Di Meno, when they realized that all their causes were interconnected within a broader feminist movement. They understood that it is not sufficient to simply change one legislation or create another center, but that Italian women need to stand in solidarity to try and tackle the institutionally patriarchal Italian society. On November 26^th, 2016, they had their first big demonstration in Rome, which gathered over 200,000 women, men, and children, from all over Italy. Since then, the group has continued to grow, receiving funding through donations, and through the three pre-existing groups that founded it, and that they continue to work closely with.

Campaigns:

Non Una Di Meno has participated in two major campaigns since it was founded. The first is the #SiAmoAfrin campaign, an international campaign that Non Una Di Meno supports. It is a humanitarian aid campaign to help minority populations of Afrin affected by the war in Rojava. It is also an act of protest against the lack of response of the international community to the attacks on Afrin. Non Una Di Meno supports Rojava as an autonomous, feminist, region, whose values and goals align with those of the group. The second is the #WeTooGether campaign. The hashtag is modeled after the #MeToo movement, and shows support for that movement while staking their own claims. The #WeTooGether campaign is fighting for many goals which they have outlined in the 'Feminist Plan Against Male Violence Towards Women and all Forms of Gender Violence' (loosely translated), and these can be read at this link: https://nonunadimeno.wordpress.com/2017/11/16/non-una-di-meno-presenta-i...

Ideological Composition:

Non Una Di Meno is an anti-fascist, feminist group. Their ideological composition is important because Italy has a history of very right wing parties in power, and the legislation reflects this. The group is working to push back against fascism, and the aspects that come with a conservative government, like sexism and racism. The group is interventionist, meaning they don't want a dissolution of the government, but want to work with them to create new legislation. Though more than this, they value resistance and oppose the societal sexist norms. As the group is so large and consist of members all across Italy, there are most likely ideological splits among individuals, but all are feminist. The group does not delineate any distinction on their ideological position in relation to capitalism, although their emphasis on publicly funded women's shelters and healthcare suggest socialist tendencies.

Communication Strategy:

Non Una Di Meno uses social media to gain awareness and to keep the many volunteers and followers of the movement up to date on events and actions. Facebook is its biggest platform for coordinating and organizing events. The group's website regularly posts articles and links to videos related to the movement specifically, but also to feminism in general. They also have an Instagram and Twitter. The internal communication for the group happens at the assemblies in each city. This is where concerns are addressed and appropriate actions are decided, and the face-to-face meetings allow for more personal and effective communication.

Created New Spaces:

The group has created multiple non-Institutional anti-violence centers, as well as women's community centers for women to come together for support and community building. It has furthered the conversation on abortion, and has created spaces for women to talk openly about sexual assault and gender violence, allowing their voices to be heard by other women, men, and Italy as a whole.

The group works closely with D.i.Re, the Italian Network of Women's Shelters, which was already well established when Non Una di Meno formed. Their information can be found here.

Incorporated Cultural Forms:

Non Una Di Meno does not explicitly incorporate cultural or art forms into its practices. At their rallies, marches, picnics, dinners, and other events, there is often music and performances, but it is not a central cultural component to the group.

Oppositional Forces:

Because of the group's advocacy for pro-choice, many pro-life groups and religious groups are in opposition with them. As a Catholic country, pro-life groups such as Pro-Vita Onlus have a lot of support in Italy, from both women and men. Many prominent figures of the Catholic Church have opposed the pro-choice aspect of Non Una Di Meno, such as the late archbishop Carlo Caffarra. The Italian parliament is also in opposition to the group, as Non Una Di Meno has conducted sit ins and walk outs in many spaces in the public sphere, such as hospitals and schools, as well as marches that shut down streets. The media is an oppositional force that the group continues to struggle with, as they present the movement as a group of protesters, or women striking, and they do not publicize the group's overarching goal: to eradicate the systems of patriarchy that allow gender violence to continue. This lack of recognition from the media is important as it creates a lack of understanding between the movement and the general population. The group tries to overcome this with their social media, but it is not easy.

Further Reading:

https://www.opendemocracy.net/protest/non-una-di-meno

Type of Organization:

grassroots collective

Tatics Used:

marches

rallies

social media campaigns

Hashtags:

#nonunadimeno

#WeTooGether

#SiAmoAfrin

Website

Twitter

Facebook

Public:

true

Caption:

NON UNA DI MENO! Manifestazione nazionale

ees44@duke.edu — Sun, 22 Apr 2018 18:05:08 +0000

The Fight for $15

ctg12@duke.edu — Fri, 20 Apr 2018 01:43:08 +0000

Description:

Underwritten by the Service Employees International Union, the Fight for $15 is composed of fast-food workers, home health aides, child care teachers, airport workers, adjunct professors, retail employees—and, as Fight for 15 puts its, “underpaid workers everywhere.”

Goals:

The Fight for $15 has two main goals: to secure a $15 minimum wage and to unionize a wide range of underpaid workers, from fast food and retail workers to graduate workers and adjunct professors. Though those being paid minimum wage in the U.S. are extremely vulnerable and afraid to unionize out of fear of being fired, the Fight for $15 is attempting to give them the support that has been lacking due to the demise of unions over the past several decades. While this may seem like a simple goal, the balkanized nature of the U.S. low-wage labor force entails that is an uphill battle to bring together such a wide range of workers under one umbrella. The workers that the Fight for $15 has unionized thus far are just a drop in the water compared to the United States' low-wage labor force, demonstrating the immense work that is left to be done. More intermediate goals include fighting legal protections for franchised restaurants and simply getting the word out to as many low-wage workers as possible.

Historical/Political Context:

At the heart of the campaign’s theorizing lies a cogent critique of McDonalds and companies like it, who cannot pay a living wage despite making billions of dollars in profits.

By demanding $15 back in 2012, the Fight for $15 pushed the boundaries of what is feasible from the start. Many critics called the demand too lofty at the time, but now $15 is becoming the norm. As Fight for $15 officially puts it, “We didn’t win these increases because we elected supportive politicians to office. We won because we made them support us. That’s the power of direct action, of taking to the streets, of organizing.” While Fight for $15 is negotiating with the state, it is making bold demands and changing the terms of debate.

Today, it is a global movement in over 300 cities on six continents. On top of successfully shifting the terms of debate regarding the minimum wage, there have been numerous wage increases achieved across the country by Fight for $15 and its affiliates. A $15 minimum wage has been mandated in Seattle, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and New York, while Chicago and Kansas City secured a raise to $13. In addition, there have been modest increases in Alaska, Arkansas, and Nebraska. According to SEIU leader, raises have been achieved for over 8 million U.S. workers, with the SEIU spending more than $30 million since the campaign’s conception.

Despite these widespread successes, a difficult path ahead lies ahead for Fight for $15 and United States labor movements as whole. The U.S. economy is incredibly balkanized into separate jurisdictions, which makes organizing lower-tier workers immensely difficult. A large portion of these workers are vulnerable and afraid of being fired, either because they are immigrants or because they possess tenuous employment as temps, freelancers, part-time workers, independent contractors, on-call workers, or employees at franchised operations. As a result, currently, just 1.7 percent of fast-food workers and 5.7 percent of retail workers belong to unions. While a raise to $15 is important, the longer-term protections of a union are needed to win larger wage increases and improvements in working conditions. Going forward, Fight for $15 faces a slight dilemma. To the support these workers, a strong labor movement is needed that provides political and financial support in the form of finances, lobbying clout, and organizing abilities. But these forms of support require engaging with the state and dominant systems.

The theorizing behind Fight for $15 pinpoints changes in the United States’ political economy over the past several decades that render their demands urgent. While many may think of fast food as a side job for teenagers who need extra cash, the median age of a fast-food employee today is 28 years old, and more than a quarter of them have children. This is a result of changes in the U.S. economy that started around the 1970s with deindustrialization. Deindustrialization saw the closing of factories across the country, and, in the time since, the U.S. economy has turned its emphasis to service-sector jobs. As a result, for those at the bottom of the economic ladder, fast food jobs are often the only ones available. The Great Recession sped up this long-term trend, as even college-educated Americans have been forced to enter minimum wage jobs. Low-wage industries like fast food and retail have been the fastest growing American sectors since the Great Recession, outpacing the economy as a whole.

On top of the low wages, seventy percent of fast-food workers are part-time, meaning they work fewer than forty hours a week and cannot obtain close to a living wage. As fast food companies refused to use their increasing profits to pay a living wage, the government has been forced to step in. Researchers at University of California, Berkeley found that about fifty-two percent of American fast-food workers use some form of public assistance. Thus, the Fight for $15 has sought to reframe low-wage workers as vital economic contributors who are being exploited at the expense of the public. This theorizing has been supported by academic research as well. In a 2017 paper, University of Michigan–Dearborn economist Bruce Pietrykowski used skills data along with manager survey data to estimate occupational wages. Using a quantile regression to estimate a skills-based wage for fast food and other low-wage workers, Pietrykowski found evidence that provides “empirical support” for a $15 minimum wage. The study’s results indicated that low-wage workers possess skills that are, in fact, undervalued in the labor market, as low-wage workers require abstract thinking and managerial skills. Supported by ethnographic research, this study reflected the importance of active learning, problem-solving, coordination, monitoring, and negotiating skills to the success of employees in restaurants, fast-food establishments, and hair salons. Meanwhile, the think tank Demos found that fast food executives’ compensation packages quadrupled from 2000 to 2013. The differential between CEO and worker pay in fast food is 1200 to one, which is higher than any other domestic economic sector.

A key difficulty in increasing wages for fast food workers is the use of franchises by many companies. In the case of McDonalds, 90 percent of its fourteen-thousand establishments are owned and operated by franchisees. Though pressured by corporate brass to constantly lower costs, these franchisees were long seen as solely responsible for the abysmal wages their workers received. In March 2014, seven class-action lawsuits were filed against McDonald’s in three states alleging wage theft and other violations of labor law. Then, in July of 2013, the National Labor Relations Board ruled that McDonald’s is a “joint employer” with its franchisees, meaning they are responsible for the pay and treatment of workers. This was a huge victory for Fight for $15, as fast food corporation could no longer hide behind their franchisees.

Structure:

The Fight for $15 is funded by the Service Employees International Union. While there are paid union organizers leading the campaign, many fast-food workers have joined and now carry large roles in the organization. As they describe it, they are fast-food workers, home health aides, child care teachers, airport workers, adjunct professors, retail employees- and underpaid workers everywhere. While SEIU's employees provide support and infrastructure, the workers themselves carry out most protests and do the speaking at events. Though activists and academics are at times given a platform as well, the workers are consistently centered in both theorizing and acting.

Genealogy:

The Fight for $15 (also referred to as Raise Up for $15) first began in 2012 when two-hundred fast-food workers in New York City walked off the job in order to demand $15 an hour and union rights. It then caught on when similar walk-outs happened in the coming months, first across the U.S. and then across the globe. It is underwritten by the Service Employees International Union, which has spent more than $30 million on the campaign.

Campaigns:

||| Rally in Raleigh for North Carolina Wage Board (October 7th, 2015): The Fight for $15 convened a forum at the state legislature to take testimony from workers and supporters and to call for the creation of a “People’s Wage Board” to advocate for raising wages in North Carolina. ||| Durham Joins Fight for $15 Global Day of Protest (April 14th, 2016): As part of a global day of protest against poor wages and working conditions, fast food employees and other underpaid workers strike in Durham for a $15 minimum wage and a union. A morning picket line is formed at McDonald's at 102 East Morgan St., followed by a panel discussion at NCCU's Criminal Justice Building and a larger rally with workers from across the state. ||| Durham Workers Join Nationwide Labor Day Protests by Walking Out of Their Jobs (September 4th, 2017): At 6 a.m., dozens of Durham workers walked out of their jobs as part of a nationwide protest to raise the national minimum wage to $15 an hour. Cooks and cashiers from the local McDonald's, Burger Kings and other restaurants joined employees in 300 other cities as part of the nationwide protest. Later in the afternoon, the Durham strikers moved to CCB plaza. Some dietary aides, nurse assistants, and other employees at hospitals also joined the protest. ||| ||| Greenville Fast Food Workers Commemorate Memphis Sanitation Strike by Protesting for Better Pay (February 12th, 2018): Individuals affiliated with the Fight for 15 and the Poor People's Campaign gather to rally outside the McDonald's on Memorial Drive and Stantonsburg Road. More than a dozen fast food workers protested for a higher minimum wage and workplace equality. The event is held on the 50th anniversary of the Memphis Sanitation Strike in 1968, when a group of African American men gathered to demand a raise in wages to $2 an hour. ||| North Carolina Workers Commemorate MLK's Assassination by Demanding a Living Wage (April 4th, 2018): On the anniversary of King’s assassination, city workers, community-labor support groups, and faith organizations in Winston-Salem, N.C., hold a rally for a living wage of at least $15 an hour. Over 100 people gathered at the event.

Ideological Composition:

The Fight for $15 contests racism, capitalism, patriarchy, and the dominant logics of the American and global capitalist political economies. While many associated with the movement have ben politically active for a long time, many workers have joined out of necessity, as their abysmal wages have left them no choice but to organize. Thus, the movement brings together passionate workers and experienced organizers and activists who can aid them. As displayed in the Fight for $15's decision to start the campaign with fast food employees walking out on the job, laborers are centered and encouraged to take charge. Thus, the ideological ethos of the group is fueled by fast food workers who are marginalized in a variety of ways, from class to race to gender. Thus, "intersectionality" is an intrinsic part of the group's mission, as, for the participants, intersectional oppression is not an academic concept but rather their lived realities.

Communication Strategy:

The Fight for $15 utilizes social media to highlight a range of issues relevant to the group's cause, from the racial wealth gap to exploding CEO pay. By sharing a wide-range of articles, the group contextualizes the oppression faced by fast-food workers within a greater web of oppression. These communications emphasize the intersectionality that is needed to advance the movement; it is not just about raising the wages for fast-food workers, but rather dismantling the multifaceted systems that ensnare society's most vulnerable.

The Fight for $15 highlights their various achievements and victories on the "Press Room" page of their website, allowing visitors to see the large impact the movement has had in such a short time all in one place.

In addition, Fight for $15's protests and strikes have largely taken place in metropolitan areas that are brimming with fast food chains and other retail establishments. By walking off the job and flooding busy city streets around the globe, the workers are making themselves visible to the many residents that rely on their labor but try to keep the laborers themselves out of sight and out of mind. Their signs often represent subversions of fast food companies' logos, attempting to associate these well-known brands with exploitation rather than food. The Fight for $15 is not just about reaching corporate executives and government officials-- it has the more ambitious goal of shifting the dominant logics surrounding low-wage workers in the United States and other advanced capitalist economies. Entrenched stereotypes about low-wage workers will not die any time soon, but, thus far, the Fight for $15 has been very successful far shifting the conversation away from individualistic moralizing towards a focus on structural forces.

In terms of bringing more workers into the fold, the Fight for $15's website has a "For Workers" tab that features steps on how to join the Fight for $15 and how to go on strike. This also includes a "strike letter" that workers can fill out and deliver to their boss to notify them of a strike. The page also has tips on how to go about striking in the most potent way possible.

The Fight for 15 also works with a variety of local unions in order amplify each other's messages. For example, the Fight for $15 has coordinated with the Duke Faulty Union (DFU) for the past several years. Both are affiliated with the SEIU and use the same union offices, thus making it easy for DFU to stay informed of the Fight for 15's activities, and vice versa. DFU helps spread the word about Fight for $15 events and programs through email and social media, as well as participating in their rallies, marches, and demonstrations. DFU members even speak at Fight for $15 events. In turn, the Fight for $15 does the same for DFU, which often uses Fight for 15 speakers at their events. Across the globe, the Fight has fostered similar relationships with local organizations and movements that have proved to be immensely valuable for both sides.

Created New Spaces:

The major goal of the Fight for $15 to bring together the balkanized American low-wage labor force for the purpose of organizing and unionizing. Before the start of Fight for $15, unionization in fast food restaurants and similar occupations was unheard of, as the vulnerable workers could not take the risk of getting fired (a common outcome when low-wage workers organize in any fashion). Thus, a challenging but worthwhile task for the Fight for $15 is opening up spaces for low-wage workers to voice their sentiments and demands without fear of being fired. While it will certainly take a while, this goal is integral for bringing back formidable organized labor in the United States. These new spaces for low-wage workers are integral to combating the atomization of the minimum wage labor force, which greatly aids corporations in isolating workers and keeping wages down. Fight for $15 has helped make low-wage workers feel less alone and more empowered, which is admirable considering the disrespect for fast-food and other low-wage workers that has been continually perpetuated in the U.S. Rather than just demanding slight wage increases, the Fight for $15 demands that low-wage workers be given respect and treated as the vital part of the modern economy that they are.

Incorporated Cultural Forms:

The Use of Multiple Languages to Highlight the Intersectional and Global Nature of the Fight

The Use of Posters to Subvert Corporations' Brands

Oppositional Forces:

The main oppositional forces are fast food corporations and similar employers who pay a low wage. These employers are represented by a strong lobbying apparatus, with one example being the National Restaurant Association. Fast food corporations and similar low-paying employers are deeply-entrenched in Washington, as they realize that the inability to pay such low wages would significantly hinder their business model.

Media Artifacts:

A Fight for $15 protest in New York City. Victor J. Blue / Bloomberg Finance-- http://fortune.com/2016/04/07/where-the-fight-for-15-went-wrong/

Rally in Raleigh for North Carolina Wage Board (October 7th, 2015) NC State AFL-CIO-- http://aflcionc.org/tag/fight-for-15/

Durham Joins Fight for $15 Global Day of Protest (April 14th, 2016) Alex Boerner / INDY Week-- https://www.indyweek.com/news/archives/2016/04/15/what-you-are-fighting-for-is-long-overdue-scenes-from-the-fight-for-15-rally-in-durham

Durham Workers Join Nationwide Labor Day Protests by Walking Out of Their Jobs (September 4th, 2017) WNCN- CBS 17-- http://www.cbs17.com/news/dozens-fight-for-15-in-durham-labor-day-demonstration_2018030710545496/1017006021

Greenville Fast Food Workers Commemorate Memphis Sanitation Strike by Protesting for Better Pay (February 12th, 2018) WNCT- CBS 9-- http://www.wnct.com/news/greenville-fast-food-workers-rally-for-15-an-hour-minimum-wages_20180326040330939/1077244194

North Carolina Workers Commemorate MLK's Assassination by Demanding a Living Wage (April 4th, 2018) https://www.workers.org/2018/04/10/north-carolina-workers-continue-mlks-fight-for-economic-and-civil-rights/

Further Reading:

https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/04/what-follows-the-fight-for-…

https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/vote-for-15-minimum-wage-labor-movement

https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/09/15/dignity-4

http://www.demos.org/publication/fast-food-failure-how-ceo-worker-pay-disparity-…

http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0486613416666543?journalCode=rrpa

https://thenewpress.com/books/fight-for-fifteen

https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2015/08/fifteen-dollars-minimum-wag…

http://aflcionc.org/rally-in-raleigh-for-north-carolina-wage-board-107/

https://www.indyweek.com/news/archives/2017/09/05/labor-day-protesters-gather-ou…

http://www.wnct.com/news/greenville-fast-food-workers-rally-for-15-an-hour-minim…

https://www.workers.org/2018/04/10/north-carolina-workers-continue-mlks-fight-fo…

https://www.indyweek.com/news/archives/2016/04/15/what-you-are-fighting-for-is-l…

Type of Organization:

Tatics Used:

Hashtags:

#Fightfor15

Website

Twitter

Facebook

Web Exhibit Created By:

Connor Gundersen

https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=...

Public:

true

Caption:

March for Science

fmx@duke.edu — Mon, 16 Apr 2018 20:16:23 +0000

Description:

The March for Science promotes the integration of science into society with focuses on evidence-driven decision-making and the accessibility of science to the populace. Created in direct response to the dramatic rise of science denial around the world, this movement aims to counter "alternative facts" by informing the public with unbiased, reproducible, and truthful data. Furthermore, the continual defunding of research institutes like the National Institute of Health in the USA fuels the March for Science Movement to demand increased employment and integration of holistic and impartial science in policymaking and administrations.

The importance of the March for Science can clearly be seen in its numerous connections with other contemporary social movements. From other science-related movements like the Movement against Anti-Vaccinations and the Movements for Universal Healthcare and the People's Climate Movement to highly politicized directives like the Movement for Gun Control and the Movement to Legalize Cannabis, evidence-supported scientific practices are critical for progress in almost every contemporary political conflict. The March for Science is a crucial turning point for the conduct of modern society.

https://www.marchforscience.com/what-we-do

This photo was taken by CNN in Washington D.C. at the first March for Science on April 22, 2017. The protest sign seen clearly outlines the need to follow evidence-based science rather than falsified "alternative facts." https://www.cnn.com/2017/04/22/health/global-march-for-science/index.html

Goals:

The March for Science aims to better connect science with society. This objective manifests itself in a plethora of ways. From removing partisanship in science and the biased use of scientific evidence in policy to amending the aloofness of science from everyday society, the March for Science aims to change the culture around science as a supplement but rather an integral aspect of life.

Explicitly, the March for Science supports science advocacy, outreach, and education in order to break down barriers between the public and science, build trust through discussions and not lectures, communicate the vitality of scientific research, make science accessible to all members of society, and make everyone advocates for science. Furthermore, the movement emphasizes the values of being evidence-driven, inclusive, nonpartisan, transformative, adaptive, and truth-driven--which is how science should be.

https://www.marchforscience.com/our-mission

http://annals.org.proxy.lib.duke.edu/aim/fullarticle/2620158/alternative...

This photo, taken directly by the March for Science, captures the desire to remove partisanship from evidence-based science. https://www.thrillist.com/lifestyle/new-york/march-for-science-nyc-2018

Historical/Political Context:

Science has historically always come under fire when its evidence-supported ideas have contradicted social norms--Copernicus was attacked for his heliocentric model of the universe, Darwin was disregarded because of his theory of evolution by natural selection, and presently climate change has come under fire as a "hoax." Contemporary politics that have questioned the validity of science is not a new development but rather a continuation of centuries of history. The March for Science intends to change this dynamic of science and society, establishing science's place as an informant of all aspects of civilization. Science (from the stringent efforts of the scientific method to establish reproducible and valid data) should be implemented rather than first debated if it is true or not by uninformed parties.

Furthermore, the hijacking of science for the gain of political parties has always existed with politicians selectively highlighting the data they want in order to further their own agendas. This has to end. Science should be utilized holistically and in pursuit of the truth for the betterment of all society--not for the one or the few--and so it must be de-politicized.

http://annals.org.proxy.lib.duke.edu/aim/fullarticle/2620158/alternative...

The above political cartoon was drawn by Adam Zyglis and demonstrates the continual denial of scientific fact by sectors of the public throughout history. Science has perpetually faced opposition when first postulated. https://www.pinterest.com/pin/273593746089616455

Structure:

In order for this movement to be as bottom-up as possible, the March for Science heavily emphasizes organization at the local level. An higher "overall" March for Science panel exists in order to standardize the movement's goals and direction, but each march in cities around the world is able to organize when, where, and how they see fit within the model of the movement.

The March for Science features several staff members overseen by a board with both constituted heavily by women scientists (a part of the movement's initiative to give underrepresented populations a voice in the sciences). Furthermore, many of the board and staff members represent minority peoples of color, making the March for Science and multi-faceted representation of as many parts of society as possible.

In regards to the marchers themselves, a cross-section of the scientific community is involved. From older and younger scientists alike, many people feel inspired to be engaged in the March for Science as the climate of their respective fields comes under pressure from governments and societies around the world. That being said, while the scientists represented is a cross-section of scientists, that does not necessarily mean they are a microcosm of society as a whole; gender and person-of-color disparities across scientific disciplines still prevail and is one of the hot-button topics the March for Science hopes to address.

https://www.marchforscience.com/who-we-are

This photo of science personality Bill Nye was taken by Bill O'Leary at the front of the D.C. March for Science procession. Nye has been a longtime supporter of science education. https://www.newyorker.com/tech/elements/the-usefulness-of-a-march-for-sc...

Genealogy:

Originally conceived on January 24th, 2017 (four days after the inauguration of President Donald Trump), the first March for Science was held on Earth Day (April 22nd) 2017. The movement began as a rebuttal to the Trump Administration's proposed budget that consisted of significant cuts to scientific research in departments like the NIH and EPA as well as actions taken to suspend ongoing research in subjects like fossil fuels and climate change. Furthermore, the continual dismissal of truth and the propagation of "fake news" throughout the 2016 American Presidential Election by certain candidates gave credence to why the March for Science and its support of evidence and truth-finding needed to happen.

Entering into its second year, the March for Science continues to expand and hopes to reach even more members in societies all around the world, paving the way for increased empiricism and accuracy in the modern age. The March for Science is just getting started...

http://annals.org.proxy.lib.duke.edu/aim/fullarticle/2620159/march-science

http://annals.org.proxy.lib.duke.edu/aim/fullarticle/2620158/alternative...

The above photo is a screenshot of a tweet by President Trump in 2012 (four years before his presidential campaign) that clearly outlines his stance on climate change. http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2016/jun/03/hillary-c...

Campaigns:

Ongoing March for Science campaigns:
-Support Gun Violence Research: Following the tragedy of the Parkland shooting in February 2018, an open letter was written and signed with the intention of repealing the Dickey amendment on funding gun violence research. Congress recently clarified that the Dickey amendment does not ban gun violence research, but more work is still needed in researching the gun violence epidemic.
-Put the "Science" back in Science: An ongoing petition sent to Congress every time new officials are appointed, this campaign persists in order to bring scientists into conversations surrounding science-related policy--to put the "science" back into science.

https://www.marchforscience.com/mfs-in-2018

Ideological Composition:

The March for Science embodies several key ideologies like feminism and egalitarianism and anti-racism. In order to incorporate as many members of society in support of science, the movement seeks to support women in STEM as well as representation and involvement of people from all walks of life equally in science. While these ideologies are central to the March for Science and its directives, they have by no means been fully realized yet as representation in science careers is still lopsided; the movement hopes that their efforts will correct this misrepresentation for future generations, making science open for all people completely and equally.

This is a photo of Raul Tores at the San Francisco March for Science; Tores is a member of Advancing Chicano/Hispanic & Native Americans in science (SACNAS). His sign emphasizes the need for diversity in science as well as representation in scientific bodies. https://diversity.ucsf.edu/community/sci-march

Communication Strategy:

Primarily, the March for Science utilizes social media to communicate actions taken by the movement as well as news about the marches themselves. This allows information to be disseminated in a quick and easy manner to a wide number of people interested in marches from locations all around the nation and world. The March for Science also uses mass communication via news conferences and press releases to inform the public at large of the movement's goals and practices. Furthermore, their extensive website serves to provide as much information as possible about each and every facet of the March for Science from those involved in its leadership and direction to the countless satellite marches being conducted around the world.

https://www.marchforscience.com/contact

This is a screenshot of the March for Science-Norway website, demonstrating the international level the movement has expanded to with marches occurring annually around the world. http://marchforsciencenorway.com/index_e.html

Created New Spaces:

The "Dial-a-Scientist" program was made in order to create substantial channels of communication between scientists and the public. People can contact scientists in a wide selection of fields with question regarding the truth and pertinent information whether they would just like to know more about it or if they would like to present this knowledge to a larger group via a discussion format--promoting active engagement of the public in science-learning. This space serves as an arena to bridge the rift that has formed between science and society, connecting the uninformed with the informed in order to better-inform decisions and people's lives.

https://www.marchforscience.com/plan-outreach-events

Oppositional Forces:

Political parties, PACs, biased news agencies, fake news, and "alternative facts"

Further Reading:

Type of Organization:

grassroots collective

Tatics Used:

Hashtags:

#ScienceMarch

#ScienceNotSilence

Website

Twitter

Facebook

Web Exhibit Created By:

Freddie Xu

The map below shows every location around the world where a local March for Science has occurred (or will occur), capturing the vast international scope this movement has grown to as well as how universal support for science is across so many cultures.

Science is not something that is chosen to be believed or not; science is fact supported by evidence and peer-review. Science does not drive people farther apart; science is the universal bridge that unites humanity together. Science is not a trivial feature of society; science is what makes us human as we constantly question and search for answers. #ScienceNotSilence

https://www.marchforscience.com/satellites

Public:

true

Caption:

Inside-Outside Alliance

elm52@duke.edu — Wed, 17 Jan 2018 17:24:23 +0000

Description:

Inside-Outside Alliance is a group based in Durham, NC that supports prisoners’ struggles on the inside and participates in struggles on the outside against our system of injustice that includes police, prisons, courts and immigration laws — the revolving door of incarceration.

Genealogy:

Here is an account of the origins of Inside-Outside Alliance, written by a former IOA organizer, Steve L.:
"How did it come to be that folks regularly demonstrate at the jail? How and why do people you don’t know write to you when you’re locked up out of the blue? Where does this little publication come from, and how did it get started? Because these are questions that people currently inside the Durham jail might ask, and because it is vital to keep up on history, from ancient times to the recent past, I’m going to try to briefly tell y’all about the brave inmates who got this all started.

On September 19, 2012, exactly five years ago, 33 courageous detainees on housing unit 5C at Durham County Detention Facility signed and mailed a letter of petition to Durham County Sheriff Michael Andrews. Fed up with numerous facts of daily life, but especially the jail’s failure to provide adequate basic necessities such as toilet paper and soap, writing materials, and its ongoing use of unsanitary food trays and drink dispensers, they mailed the petitions to others, also, including media and the state department of health and human services.

A short article about this petition/ protest ran in the September 22 edition of the Herald-Sun newspaper. This article was a clarion call to a small, multi-racial, multi-generational collective of people who were trying to figure out how to intervene with purpose in Durham’s political landscape.

To quote the last page of the detainees’ petition: “Our protest is simple. All we ask is that we be allowed adequate supplies to maintain proper personal hygiene, cleanliness, to be able to correspond with attorneys, courts, family members, and to be free from undue harm by the bacterially hazardous food trays and drink dispensers. It is unconscionable to think that in our progressive humane society that “pretrial” detainees should be treated with disdain, indifference, and such basic disrespect.”

Here it was: a group of detainees taking the stage of history and speaking up for themselves. We got in touch, we talked to friends, family and loved ones at the jail, and we did what they initially asked us to do, which was “amplify their voices” by creating a blog/website (called amplifyvoices.com). People inside wrote back to those of us outside—a lot. Soon, more petitions came from other pods, along with more news, stories, analysis, manifestos and art. We were asked what our name was, and we began to call ourselves Inside-Outside Alliance.

The bravery displayed by those 33 signers cannot be overestimated. In fact, the person who sent the petition to Chris Wood at the Department of Health and Human Services, was told by Mr. Wood that “submitting petitions could be construed as inciting a riot.”(Sound familiar? Oh, they’ll get their riot someday…) Certainly detainees at DCDF had written petitions before. They didn’t know that this time, people outside were going to notice. They did it anyway, even though we are all taught to believe that nothing we do matters, that we cannot alter our conditions, that we cannot ignite a social war against official society. And those locked up? They’re simply told they ain’t shit. But those 33 didn’t believe that. And from that petition began this group, in which people outside have the back of people inside.

Many people who were instrumental in the founding of Inside-Outside Alliance, due to their tremendous analysis, wit, artistic talent, creativity and bravery, have moved on from DCDF and even from Durham. To all of those, I send a heartfelt thank you for leading the way. The same goes to others–detainees and family members, former prisoners and random activist-types–who have given their time, energy, and intellect along the way. People will continue to move through the jail system, and move through this city, but the idea of IOA—that struggles are being waged inside of jails against conditions and against an inhumane and white supremacist system—will remain. Who better than the detainees and prisoners to speak for themselves about the brutality of that system, and ways to overcome it and make the world anew? That, at its core, is what IOA is.

As I have done before, I will (very humbly) paraphrase the revolutionary Ernesto “Che” Guevara (who was talking about Vietnam and the need to wage anti-imperialist war): We need to create 2, 3, many IOAs! From a modest beginning, we have a modest vision, in the words of James Connolly: We just want the Earth.

Forever in struggle and with much love,

Steve L."

- copied from "Looking Back: Petition on 5C Led to Formation of IOA in 2012"

Oppositional Forces:

Durham County Detention Center, Durham County Sheriff's Department, Durham City Police Department

Media Artifacts:

New Year's Eve noise demonstration at the #Durham County Jail. Dec. 31, 2017. Photo by Daniel Hosterman. Image via https://www.instagram.com/p/BdYwY0FnhJl/

Textual Artifacts:

Guide to the Inside-Outside Alliance records, 2012-2017 and undated

Duke University Library Archives

https://library.duke.edu/rubenstein/findingaids/insideoutside/

Further Reading:

https://books.google.com/books?id=HB3tCwAAQBAJ&dq

Type of Organization:

grassroots collective

Tatics Used:

protests

marches

press conferences