Social Movements - strikes

Red-State Revolts

jam184@duke.edu — Mon, 23 Apr 2018 03:43:01 +0000

West Virginia Education Association

jam184@duke.edu — Sun, 22 Apr 2018 20:52:52 +0000

Description:

The West Virginia Education Association is a professional interest group in West Virginia that serves as a voice for all public school teachers in the state. The WVEA is a voluntary membership organization that has around 15,000 active members, with over a 100 local affiliates around the state and a larger association with the National Education Association. The WVEA is based out of Charleston, West Virginia and has 25 full-time staff members.

Goals:

The West Virginia Education Association states that its primary mission is to advocate for education employees and unit the members of the teaching profession to achieve West Virginia's promise of a high quality public education system for all students. In the teacher strike that took place in West Virginia, which members of the WVEA helped organize, the main goal of the teachers and employees who went on strike was for all teachers and public employees in the state to receive a 5% raise. They were able to accomplish this goal.

Historical/Political Context:

West Virginia has had an interesting political history. 85 years ago, West Virginia was an extremely liberal state, as many residents of the state owed many of their professional, education, and fiscal opportunities to the programs implemented as a result of Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal. However, West Virginia has since become more and more conservative, especially with the emergence of liberal environmental and trade policies that have weakened the coal and steel industries, which compromise the backbone of the state's economy and provides jobs for a large number of West Virginia citizens. As a result of West Virginia's shift to a more conservative demographic, the West Virginia Education Association has previously struggled to gain a large amount of clout within the state. Labor unions such as the WVEA are generally considered liberal groups, as the funding they request from the state government generally comes from taxpayers. Like in other conservative states, education isn't a priority for many families in West Virginia, as a large amount of people enter the blue-collar work force at a young age and often do not need a college degree of even a high school diploma. As a result, the WVEA's requests are often met with scrutiny from the conservative government and taxpayers. Recently however, conditions for the group have been improving as the advent of technology and mass media have led more West Virginians to see the value of public and higher-level education, and this is reflected in the 5% raise teachers and all public employees received from the recently successful strike that the WVEA helped organize. For more on the political of history, see the article linked below.

https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2018/3/3/17074824/west-virginia-...

Structure:

The WVEA has a president, vice-president, treasurer, and NEA Director who works directly with the NEA . These executives are primarily responsible for making decisions based on the interest of the group as a whole. Besides the executives, members come from a variety of backgrounds and include teachers, custodians, library specialists, and bus drivers.

Genealogy:

As stated above, the WVEA is a state-wide arm of the National Education Association, or the NEA, which was founded in 1867 in Philadelphia. The group was founded by people who believed public school teachers were underrepresented. The union was officially granted a charter by Congress in 1906. The group recently celebrated their 150th anniversary in 2017.

Campaigns:

The main campaign of the WVEA's strike was to fight for adequate pay, benefits, and funding for public school employees and all public employees in general. Recently, as dicussed in the "Goals" section of this website as well as the "Red-State Revolt" action page which is linked at the bottom of this section, West Virginia teachers went on a 9 day strike, not coming into school at all and forcing many schools to close as they could not adequately staff the schools. The main campaigns teachers undertook included a raise in pay for public school teachers and all state employees, including cafeteria workers, bus drivers, teacher's assistants, government employees, etc. The reasoning behind this was that the health-care benefits West Virginia public employees received, instead of a monetary bonus, were beginning to diminish, with state employees having higher copays and deductibles. As a result many teachers were taking on second jobs to help provide income to their families. Teachers also requested an increase in funding for schools as classrooms were not adequately furnished with materials necessary for a quality education for students. Eventually teachers from all 55 of West Virginia's counties participated in these campaigns and many of these same campaigns were undertaken in Oklahoma, as discussed in the OEA page. https://socialmovements.trinity.duke.edu/actions/red-state-revolts

Ideological Composition:

On the whole, the WVEA has no extreme ideological composition, members come from a variety of religious, ethnic, and social backgrounds. However, all members are public school teachers who work together to ensure that West Virginia's state government is treating teachers fairly and providing adequate funding for schools.

Communication Strategy:

The WVEA utilizes social media to spread awareness about its campaigns to a broader audience, as well as working face-to-face with members of the West Virginia government to make sure that the two parties are seeing eye-to-eye on operations and funding.

Created New Spaces:

Through the teacher protests in West Virginia described in the Red-State Revolt action page, the public school teachers in West Virginia were able to show that public employees can make a profound impact on a state government's policy and generated spaces for all public employees nationwide to have their voices heard.

Oppositional Forces:

The WVEA works to ensure that the state government in West Virginia treats public school employees, and all public employees in general, fairly and provides them adequate funding and benefits. Other groups that work in opposition to the WVEA are primarily conservative anti-union organizations such as the American Legislative Exchange Council and the Manhattan Institute. While these groups do not directly attack the WVEA, the generally work as political think-tanks that help write bills and draft legislation that takes away funding from labor unions and reduce the impact they have on a local, state, and national level. A link that discuses these groups more in greater detail has been attached below.

http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/17090-union-dues-and-donts-how-conser...

The Fight for $15

ctg12@duke.edu — Fri, 20 Apr 2018 01:43:08 +0000

Description:

Underwritten by the Service Employees International Union, the Fight for $15 is composed of fast-food workers, home health aides, child care teachers, airport workers, adjunct professors, retail employees—and, as Fight for 15 puts its, “underpaid workers everywhere.”

Goals:

The Fight for $15 has two main goals: to secure a $15 minimum wage and to unionize a wide range of underpaid workers, from fast food and retail workers to graduate workers and adjunct professors. Though those being paid minimum wage in the U.S. are extremely vulnerable and afraid to unionize out of fear of being fired, the Fight for $15 is attempting to give them the support that has been lacking due to the demise of unions over the past several decades. While this may seem like a simple goal, the balkanized nature of the U.S. low-wage labor force entails that is an uphill battle to bring together such a wide range of workers under one umbrella. The workers that the Fight for $15 has unionized thus far are just a drop in the water compared to the United States' low-wage labor force, demonstrating the immense work that is left to be done. More intermediate goals include fighting legal protections for franchised restaurants and simply getting the word out to as many low-wage workers as possible.

Historical/Political Context:

At the heart of the campaign’s theorizing lies a cogent critique of McDonalds and companies like it, who cannot pay a living wage despite making billions of dollars in profits.

By demanding $15 back in 2012, the Fight for $15 pushed the boundaries of what is feasible from the start. Many critics called the demand too lofty at the time, but now $15 is becoming the norm. As Fight for $15 officially puts it, “We didn’t win these increases because we elected supportive politicians to office. We won because we made them support us. That’s the power of direct action, of taking to the streets, of organizing.” While Fight for $15 is negotiating with the state, it is making bold demands and changing the terms of debate.

Today, it is a global movement in over 300 cities on six continents. On top of successfully shifting the terms of debate regarding the minimum wage, there have been numerous wage increases achieved across the country by Fight for $15 and its affiliates. A $15 minimum wage has been mandated in Seattle, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and New York, while Chicago and Kansas City secured a raise to $13. In addition, there have been modest increases in Alaska, Arkansas, and Nebraska. According to SEIU leader, raises have been achieved for over 8 million U.S. workers, with the SEIU spending more than $30 million since the campaign’s conception.

Despite these widespread successes, a difficult path ahead lies ahead for Fight for $15 and United States labor movements as whole. The U.S. economy is incredibly balkanized into separate jurisdictions, which makes organizing lower-tier workers immensely difficult. A large portion of these workers are vulnerable and afraid of being fired, either because they are immigrants or because they possess tenuous employment as temps, freelancers, part-time workers, independent contractors, on-call workers, or employees at franchised operations. As a result, currently, just 1.7 percent of fast-food workers and 5.7 percent of retail workers belong to unions. While a raise to $15 is important, the longer-term protections of a union are needed to win larger wage increases and improvements in working conditions. Going forward, Fight for $15 faces a slight dilemma. To the support these workers, a strong labor movement is needed that provides political and financial support in the form of finances, lobbying clout, and organizing abilities. But these forms of support require engaging with the state and dominant systems.

The theorizing behind Fight for $15 pinpoints changes in the United States’ political economy over the past several decades that render their demands urgent. While many may think of fast food as a side job for teenagers who need extra cash, the median age of a fast-food employee today is 28 years old, and more than a quarter of them have children. This is a result of changes in the U.S. economy that started around the 1970s with deindustrialization. Deindustrialization saw the closing of factories across the country, and, in the time since, the U.S. economy has turned its emphasis to service-sector jobs. As a result, for those at the bottom of the economic ladder, fast food jobs are often the only ones available. The Great Recession sped up this long-term trend, as even college-educated Americans have been forced to enter minimum wage jobs. Low-wage industries like fast food and retail have been the fastest growing American sectors since the Great Recession, outpacing the economy as a whole.

On top of the low wages, seventy percent of fast-food workers are part-time, meaning they work fewer than forty hours a week and cannot obtain close to a living wage. As fast food companies refused to use their increasing profits to pay a living wage, the government has been forced to step in. Researchers at University of California, Berkeley found that about fifty-two percent of American fast-food workers use some form of public assistance. Thus, the Fight for $15 has sought to reframe low-wage workers as vital economic contributors who are being exploited at the expense of the public. This theorizing has been supported by academic research as well. In a 2017 paper, University of Michigan–Dearborn economist Bruce Pietrykowski used skills data along with manager survey data to estimate occupational wages. Using a quantile regression to estimate a skills-based wage for fast food and other low-wage workers, Pietrykowski found evidence that provides “empirical support” for a $15 minimum wage. The study’s results indicated that low-wage workers possess skills that are, in fact, undervalued in the labor market, as low-wage workers require abstract thinking and managerial skills. Supported by ethnographic research, this study reflected the importance of active learning, problem-solving, coordination, monitoring, and negotiating skills to the success of employees in restaurants, fast-food establishments, and hair salons. Meanwhile, the think tank Demos found that fast food executives’ compensation packages quadrupled from 2000 to 2013. The differential between CEO and worker pay in fast food is 1200 to one, which is higher than any other domestic economic sector.

A key difficulty in increasing wages for fast food workers is the use of franchises by many companies. In the case of McDonalds, 90 percent of its fourteen-thousand establishments are owned and operated by franchisees. Though pressured by corporate brass to constantly lower costs, these franchisees were long seen as solely responsible for the abysmal wages their workers received. In March 2014, seven class-action lawsuits were filed against McDonald’s in three states alleging wage theft and other violations of labor law. Then, in July of 2013, the National Labor Relations Board ruled that McDonald’s is a “joint employer” with its franchisees, meaning they are responsible for the pay and treatment of workers. This was a huge victory for Fight for $15, as fast food corporation could no longer hide behind their franchisees.

Structure:

The Fight for $15 is funded by the Service Employees International Union. While there are paid union organizers leading the campaign, many fast-food workers have joined and now carry large roles in the organization. As they describe it, they are fast-food workers, home health aides, child care teachers, airport workers, adjunct professors, retail employees- and underpaid workers everywhere. While SEIU's employees provide support and infrastructure, the workers themselves carry out most protests and do the speaking at events. Though activists and academics are at times given a platform as well, the workers are consistently centered in both theorizing and acting.

Genealogy:

The Fight for $15 (also referred to as Raise Up for $15) first began in 2012 when two-hundred fast-food workers in New York City walked off the job in order to demand $15 an hour and union rights. It then caught on when similar walk-outs happened in the coming months, first across the U.S. and then across the globe. It is underwritten by the Service Employees International Union, which has spent more than $30 million on the campaign.

Campaigns:

||| Rally in Raleigh for North Carolina Wage Board (October 7th, 2015): The Fight for $15 convened a forum at the state legislature to take testimony from workers and supporters and to call for the creation of a “People’s Wage Board” to advocate for raising wages in North Carolina. ||| Durham Joins Fight for $15 Global Day of Protest (April 14th, 2016): As part of a global day of protest against poor wages and working conditions, fast food employees and other underpaid workers strike in Durham for a $15 minimum wage and a union. A morning picket line is formed at McDonald's at 102 East Morgan St., followed by a panel discussion at NCCU's Criminal Justice Building and a larger rally with workers from across the state. ||| Durham Workers Join Nationwide Labor Day Protests by Walking Out of Their Jobs (September 4th, 2017): At 6 a.m., dozens of Durham workers walked out of their jobs as part of a nationwide protest to raise the national minimum wage to $15 an hour. Cooks and cashiers from the local McDonald's, Burger Kings and other restaurants joined employees in 300 other cities as part of the nationwide protest. Later in the afternoon, the Durham strikers moved to CCB plaza. Some dietary aides, nurse assistants, and other employees at hospitals also joined the protest. ||| ||| Greenville Fast Food Workers Commemorate Memphis Sanitation Strike by Protesting for Better Pay (February 12th, 2018): Individuals affiliated with the Fight for 15 and the Poor People's Campaign gather to rally outside the McDonald's on Memorial Drive and Stantonsburg Road. More than a dozen fast food workers protested for a higher minimum wage and workplace equality. The event is held on the 50th anniversary of the Memphis Sanitation Strike in 1968, when a group of African American men gathered to demand a raise in wages to $2 an hour. ||| North Carolina Workers Commemorate MLK's Assassination by Demanding a Living Wage (April 4th, 2018): On the anniversary of King’s assassination, city workers, community-labor support groups, and faith organizations in Winston-Salem, N.C., hold a rally for a living wage of at least $15 an hour. Over 100 people gathered at the event.

Ideological Composition:

The Fight for $15 contests racism, capitalism, patriarchy, and the dominant logics of the American and global capitalist political economies. While many associated with the movement have ben politically active for a long time, many workers have joined out of necessity, as their abysmal wages have left them no choice but to organize. Thus, the movement brings together passionate workers and experienced organizers and activists who can aid them. As displayed in the Fight for $15's decision to start the campaign with fast food employees walking out on the job, laborers are centered and encouraged to take charge. Thus, the ideological ethos of the group is fueled by fast food workers who are marginalized in a variety of ways, from class to race to gender. Thus, "intersectionality" is an intrinsic part of the group's mission, as, for the participants, intersectional oppression is not an academic concept but rather their lived realities.

Communication Strategy:

The Fight for $15 utilizes social media to highlight a range of issues relevant to the group's cause, from the racial wealth gap to exploding CEO pay. By sharing a wide-range of articles, the group contextualizes the oppression faced by fast-food workers within a greater web of oppression. These communications emphasize the intersectionality that is needed to advance the movement; it is not just about raising the wages for fast-food workers, but rather dismantling the multifaceted systems that ensnare society's most vulnerable.

The Fight for $15 highlights their various achievements and victories on the "Press Room" page of their website, allowing visitors to see the large impact the movement has had in such a short time all in one place.

In addition, Fight for $15's protests and strikes have largely taken place in metropolitan areas that are brimming with fast food chains and other retail establishments. By walking off the job and flooding busy city streets around the globe, the workers are making themselves visible to the many residents that rely on their labor but try to keep the laborers themselves out of sight and out of mind. Their signs often represent subversions of fast food companies' logos, attempting to associate these well-known brands with exploitation rather than food. The Fight for $15 is not just about reaching corporate executives and government officials-- it has the more ambitious goal of shifting the dominant logics surrounding low-wage workers in the United States and other advanced capitalist economies. Entrenched stereotypes about low-wage workers will not die any time soon, but, thus far, the Fight for $15 has been very successful far shifting the conversation away from individualistic moralizing towards a focus on structural forces.

In terms of bringing more workers into the fold, the Fight for $15's website has a "For Workers" tab that features steps on how to join the Fight for $15 and how to go on strike. This also includes a "strike letter" that workers can fill out and deliver to their boss to notify them of a strike. The page also has tips on how to go about striking in the most potent way possible.

The Fight for 15 also works with a variety of local unions in order amplify each other's messages. For example, the Fight for $15 has coordinated with the Duke Faulty Union (DFU) for the past several years. Both are affiliated with the SEIU and use the same union offices, thus making it easy for DFU to stay informed of the Fight for 15's activities, and vice versa. DFU helps spread the word about Fight for $15 events and programs through email and social media, as well as participating in their rallies, marches, and demonstrations. DFU members even speak at Fight for $15 events. In turn, the Fight for $15 does the same for DFU, which often uses Fight for 15 speakers at their events. Across the globe, the Fight has fostered similar relationships with local organizations and movements that have proved to be immensely valuable for both sides.

Created New Spaces:

The major goal of the Fight for $15 to bring together the balkanized American low-wage labor force for the purpose of organizing and unionizing. Before the start of Fight for $15, unionization in fast food restaurants and similar occupations was unheard of, as the vulnerable workers could not take the risk of getting fired (a common outcome when low-wage workers organize in any fashion). Thus, a challenging but worthwhile task for the Fight for $15 is opening up spaces for low-wage workers to voice their sentiments and demands without fear of being fired. While it will certainly take a while, this goal is integral for bringing back formidable organized labor in the United States. These new spaces for low-wage workers are integral to combating the atomization of the minimum wage labor force, which greatly aids corporations in isolating workers and keeping wages down. Fight for $15 has helped make low-wage workers feel less alone and more empowered, which is admirable considering the disrespect for fast-food and other low-wage workers that has been continually perpetuated in the U.S. Rather than just demanding slight wage increases, the Fight for $15 demands that low-wage workers be given respect and treated as the vital part of the modern economy that they are.

Incorporated Cultural Forms:

The Use of Multiple Languages to Highlight the Intersectional and Global Nature of the Fight

The Use of Posters to Subvert Corporations' Brands

Oppositional Forces:

The main oppositional forces are fast food corporations and similar employers who pay a low wage. These employers are represented by a strong lobbying apparatus, with one example being the National Restaurant Association. Fast food corporations and similar low-paying employers are deeply-entrenched in Washington, as they realize that the inability to pay such low wages would significantly hinder their business model.

Media Artifacts:

A Fight for $15 protest in New York City. Victor J. Blue / Bloomberg Finance-- http://fortune.com/2016/04/07/where-the-fight-for-15-went-wrong/

Rally in Raleigh for North Carolina Wage Board (October 7th, 2015) NC State AFL-CIO-- http://aflcionc.org/tag/fight-for-15/

Durham Joins Fight for $15 Global Day of Protest (April 14th, 2016) Alex Boerner / INDY Week-- https://www.indyweek.com/news/archives/2016/04/15/what-you-are-fighting-for-is-long-overdue-scenes-from-the-fight-for-15-rally-in-durham

Durham Workers Join Nationwide Labor Day Protests by Walking Out of Their Jobs (September 4th, 2017) WNCN- CBS 17-- http://www.cbs17.com/news/dozens-fight-for-15-in-durham-labor-day-demonstration_2018030710545496/1017006021

Greenville Fast Food Workers Commemorate Memphis Sanitation Strike by Protesting for Better Pay (February 12th, 2018) WNCT- CBS 9-- http://www.wnct.com/news/greenville-fast-food-workers-rally-for-15-an-hour-minimum-wages_20180326040330939/1077244194

North Carolina Workers Commemorate MLK's Assassination by Demanding a Living Wage (April 4th, 2018) https://www.workers.org/2018/04/10/north-carolina-workers-continue-mlks-fight-for-economic-and-civil-rights/

Scholarism

jl783@duke.edu — Mon, 16 Apr 2018 20:27:35 +0000

Description:

Scholarism was a pro-democracy student activist group that fought for reform to Hong Kong's educational curriculum and political policy. It was founded May 29, 2011. It was reported to have around 200 members in May 2015. However, Scholarism was dissolved on March 2016 to merge together to form a political party called Demosistō. Demosistō takes many, if not all, of the beliefs and ideals Scholarism sought to enact. Demosistō was established on April 10, 2016 and is led by Joshua Wong, Agnes Chow, Nathan Law, and Oscar Lai. The Demosistō Facebook page currently has over 55,000 likes. Most of the leaders express their beliefs over social media to their followers. Their Facebook pages campaign for their pro-democratic ideas. Nathan Law, Joshua Wong, and Agnes Chow Ting

Goals:

Advocates for a referendum in 2047 to determine Hong Kong's sovereignty since 2047 is when the "One Country, Two Systems" policy is supposed to expire
An established petition system which provides a place for residents to have direct political discussions and to form their own proposals of political changes through a bottom-up approach
Wants Hong Kong to be liberated from the rule of Communist Party of China
Fights for Hong Kong people to have the right of self-determination
Hong Kong history should be objectively and fairly taught to the public and the education system
Protection for sexual minorities, youth in society, racial minorities, and those who need protection
Aims to organize a "Charter of Hong Kong" which would have a self-governing constitution and new socio-political order for the city

Historical/Political Context:

Hong Kong was handed over to China in 1997 from Great Britain. As it operates under the "One Country, Two Systems" policy with China meaning that China still owns the territories of Hong Kong and Macau but the two regions have a high degree of autonomy. Scholarism/Demosistō believes that Hong Kong has been exploited under the rule of the Chinese Communist Party. Scholarism was involved in the anti-Article 23 rally in 2003 and the anti-High Speed Rail movement in 2010 which protested against Mainland China asserting more control over Hong Kong.

The anti-Article 23 rally was against Basic Law Article 23 which stated that Hong Kong could enact laws to prohibit any act of treason against the Chinese Communist Party while the anti-High Speed Rail movement opposed the creation of a high-speed train linking Shenzhen (closest city in Mainland China to Hong Kong) to Hong Kong. Scholarism gained recognition during the 2012 protests against the education reforms to Hong Kong and was successfully at forcing the Hong Kong government to repeal their decision.

Structure:

Through evidence like surveys and samplings , a significant portion of the individuals involved in the Umbrella Movement were young people. The numbers are not surprising due to the widespread student presence during the Umbrella Movement from Scholarism to teenage student organizations like the Hong Kong Federation of Students. The Umbrella Movement was heavily supported by individuals under the age of 40 that usually were educated to the university level. Joshua Wong, Nathan Law, Agnes Chow, Oscar Lai, and the other members in Scholarism/Demosistō are all young student activists. The leaders are all in their 20s and push for a pro-democracy agenda. Their political position is skewed to the left with their ideology focusing on direct democracy. There is no singular leader of Scholarism/Demosistō but the core members plan to enact change in the Legislative Council. The members tend to work together towards a collective goal through speaking at conferences or pushing for political change.

Genealogy:

Scholarism was established by Joshua Wong and Ivan Lam. Created in May 2011, it formed to retaliate against the "Moral and National Education" school curriculum pushed by the Hong Kong government. The "Moral and National Education" policy painted the Communist Party of China in a favorable light and ignored controversies of the Communist Party such as the Tiananmen Square massacre. Scholarism sought to distance Hong Kong's education policy from Mainland China's influence, specifically Pro-Beijing views. In 2012, the group protested at the Hong Kong government headquarters to pressure the government to retract the "Moral and National Education" policy. This protest is what spread the influence of Scholarism as it rose to prominence during the Umbrella Movement. In September 2014, the Scholarism group organized a class boycott for all university and high school students in Hong Kong. The members of the group became heavily involved in the protests and occupation of Central during the Umbrella Movement. In 2016, Scholarism merged to form a new political party in Hong Kong called Demosistō. Demosistō won a seat in 2016 for the Legislative Council with Nathan Law being elected to the seat. However, in 2017, Nathan Law was disqualified and imprisoned for his involvement in the Umbrella Movement. Demosistō still continues to enter the political landscape of the Hong Kong Government.

Campaigns:

Occupy Central with Love and Peace: a civil disobedience campaign headed by Benny Tai, Chan Kin-man, and Chu Yin-ming to pressure the Chinese Central Government to reform the electoral process to guarantee universal suffrage. It began on September 28, 2014 at 1:40am when Benny Tai announced the official start. That night, the protests in the Central district were marked with high levels of police brutality. Tear gas and pepper spray were used against protesters. The use of tear gas was highly significant as it was never used before in Hong Kong since 2005. The brutality of police response led more citizens to get involved as the police and government were attempting to silence the protests. https://oclphkenglish.wordpress.com Class Boycott Campaign: student strike that occurred between September 22 and September 26, 2014. It gave rise to the Umbrella Movement. It protested the Standing Committee decision on the election of Chief Executive. The campaign was jointly organized by Scholarism and the Hong Kong Federation of Students. The protest mostly included university students but expanded to include high school students on September 26. The Goal of the boycott was to demonstrate the extent of discontent from students over the government decision. Approximately 5,000 people participated in the boycott campaign. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-29306128

Ideological Composition:

The ideologies of the group tends to be more liberal and radical than the majority of the population. There is an ideological split between those who want Hong Kong to be completely independent from China--breaking the One Country, Two Systems--and those who want China to limit its influence on Hong Kong with more freedoms and reforms. Scholarism/Demosistō wants Hong Kong to be completely liberated from China and to have it be its own country.

The leaders of Scholarism and the Umbrella Movement reject China's ideology of communism. Tensions have sparked when the People's Republic of China attempted to impose its communism ideals on Hong Kong through education reform and political leader in power. Hong Kong along with Macau, another special administrative region of China, have a capitalist society. Hong Kong under British rule has the ability to conduct its own economic system and mimicked some aspects of the British economy. The activists in the Umbrella Movement and Scholarism follow liberal-capitalism and do not want the government to have control over the economy. This creates a huge tension with the Chinese Central Government as the government officials want to exert more control over the Hong Kong government.

Communication Strategy:

Communication was spread to channels of social media such as Facebook and Twitter. Messages on social media were translated from Cantonese to different languages like English and Spanish to lower the language barrier of the activists. The Facebook page for Scholarism has over 300,000 likes and followers. Their social media sites typically post protest information, press conferences, pro-democracy messages, and speeches. Some of the videos posted on the social media sites have English subtitles and some posts have English translations. Other than social media, the group holds press conferences and engages with the Hong Kong media to spread their message through traditional means. Their conferences are usually attended by masses of reporters and regular citizens.

Created New Spaces:

Scholarism allowed for pro-democracy activists to have the ability to bring change such as the creation of the political party, Demosistō that fights for autonomy and the liberation of Hong Kong from the People's Republic of China.

Demosistō created a place for pro-democratic people to voice their own opinions and to seek to change the legislation enacted by the Hong Kong Government. The political party has also allowed for students and young people to make a difference in the official legislative body in Hong Kong.

The occupation sites have also served as spaces for people. Protestors used colorful tents to occupy space in the Central district, the busiest business neighborhood in Hong Kong. The use of these tents to occupy space expressed the critical discontent with the Hong Kong government and the Chinese government. These tents blocked high-volume traffic and drew widespread attention to the Umbrella Movement.

Incorporated Cultural Forms:

Artwork was an integral part of the Umbrella Movement. It expressed and documented the demands of what the activists wanted. The concept of why the movement is known as the "Umbrella Movement" was because of the prominent presence of umbrellas used by protesters to block pepper spray and tear gas used by police. There was artwork around Hong Kong during this time that ranged from calligraphy to chalk drawings to sculptures. The places of these art pieces were usually in sites where protestors were heavily occupying such as the Central District and Admiralty.

Other than uplifting artwork highlighting the advances of the movement, there has been caricatures of leaders such as CY Leung and Xi Jinping. Cardboard cutouts of Xi Jinping, the President of the People's Republic of China, where he's holding a yellow umbrella were placed throughout Hong Kong in high-volume occupation areas like Causeway Bay and Admiralty. A well-known 10-foot statue called Umbrella Man was created by an artist, Milk. The statue is a wooden-textured man that holds a yellow umbrella. It became an icon associated with the movement as photographs circulated around the world on the front page of newspapers and on websites. Many pieces of artwork during the Umbrella Movement criticized the Chinese Communist Party. For instance, artwork depicting the Chinese Flag raining down on umbrellas exhibited the rejection of Hong Kongers against Communism. The protests were nicknamed as the Umbrella Movement due to protestors using umbrellas to block tear gas and pepper spray attacks by the police. Thus, umbrellas were used in many variations of art afterwards.

Oppositional Forces:

Chinese Central Government
Pro-Beijing officials in the Hong Kong Government
Communists