Social Movements - legislation

Non Una Di Meno

ees44@duke.edu — Sun, 22 Apr 2018 23:54:55 +0000

Description:

Non Una Di Meno, meaning Not One More, is a feminist grassroots collective started in 2015 after 22 year-old Sara Di Pietrantonio was burnt to death by her ex-boyfriend. The group was modeled after Ni Una Menos, the feminist movement started in Argentina earlier that year. It is made up of activists from various pre-existing feminist collectives in Italy, and as such, Non Una Di Meno has a broad focus, advocating for equal pay, guaranteed welfare, and abortion rights, and against harassment in the workplace and gender violence. The symbol of the movement is the Russian doll: one woman inside another, from Italy to Latin America, to the whole world.

Goals:

Non Una Di Meno aims to:

Create safe spaces for women to encourage support and solidarity among all female-identifying individuals, as well as centers for women who have experienced gender violence, sexual assault, or relationship violence
Enact a law requiring doctors who refuse to perform abortions to refer women to a clinic or a doctor that will perform it for them, allowing more women to get access to the healthcare they need
Minimize the wage gap between men and women in Italy

and more broadly aims to:

Start a conversation on gender violence in Italy and the institutions that fuel and perpetuate it
Free the minds of Italians from the restricting cages of gender roles
Combat racism, especially between women
Get international recognition and support to show that these problems are not unique to Italy, and affect women world-wide

Non Una Di Meno's plan against gender based violence can be read in more detail here.

Historical/Political Context:

Women in Italy only got the right to vote in 1945, over 20 years later than America. Married women were the property of their husbands until 1919. The fascist government during the Second World War further emphasized the woman's role as a bearer of children for the man, and as someone who tends to the home. Though women have gained a great deal of autonomy since then, the members of Non Una Di Meno believe that with the growing neoliberal society, women are losing some of the rights they fought so hard for over the past decades. In Italy, 1 in 3 women has suffered from some kind of violence in her life. Only 1 in 7 gynecologists will perform an abortion. 1 woman is killed every 3 days by a man/men of whom she is familiar. However, even with stricter punitive laws for those responsible, the problem has not improved. This is because it is a structural problem engrained in society, and this is what Non Una Di Meno grew out of, in order to combat it. They are working to change how we think, see, and talk about our world. These actions are so habitual and so established in society that it is hard to discern them as unnatural. Non Una Di Meno is not the first group of its kind; it is in fact quite young. Differenza Donna is a group that was founded in 1989 and has been working to overcome gender-based violence. Differenza Donna is a part of WAVE (Women Against Violence Europe), a European network of 46 countries fighting against gender-based violence. With this international support, they helped found D.i.Re, an Italian network of women's shelters. The organization Sommosse was founded under similar circumstances to Non Una di Meno's, but almost 10 years earlier. After a woman was assaulted and killed in Rome, this group emerged to join in the struggle against gender violence. So though Non Una di Meno is not the only organization with these aims, it has been instrumental in gaining international attention and due to its support from, and its connection to, many other movements, it has been more successful.

Structure:

Non Una Di Meno is a network composed of "nodes", as they are described by group members. Every city assembly constitutes a "node" in the network. The city assemblies are composed of associations, collectives, and individuals. They meet annually or bi-annually and put together plans, like the National Anti-Violence Plan put together after the first march on Nov 26, 2016, and use those to lobby. Anyone can attend the assemblies and voice their opinion. There is not a specific structure to the leadership of the group, however there is distinction between women who lead and organize the assemblies, centers, marches, donations, social media, etc. and those who simply participate. The leaders in these situations will be leaders from other established groups, or those who are more involved and thus having a higher position in Non Una di Meno. There is no president or traditional group leader distinction, but there is the possibility of being more involved in the organization of the group, or simply joining a demonstration or attending an assembly. Anyone who wants to be more involved and have more responsibility within the group can; there is no election of an exec board or president, for example. The group is made up of mostly women, but there are men who participate, and the group is open to anyone who "wants to fight against masculine violence towards women and all types of gender violence." Non Una Di Meno is made up of people of various classes, races, sexualities, and ages, and they emphasize this diversity as key to the group. They maintain that gaining rights for white, affluent, women does not contribute to creating a long-term solution to institutionalized gender violence.

Genealogy:

Non Una Di Meno was created in 2015 as a response to the brutal murder of a young woman by her ex-boyfriend. The movement was inspired by Ni Una Menos, which began as a response to a similar murder in Argentina. It was started by the leaders of three pre-existing groups, Io Decido, a pro-choice group, UDI – Unione donne in Italia, a group dating back to the 1940s which focuses on achieving equal rights for women in the law, and D.i.Re – Donne In Rete contro la violenza, an Italian network of anti-violence centers and women's homes. These three groups came together, along with hundreds of their volunteers, to create Non Una Di Meno, when they realized that all their causes were interconnected within a broader feminist movement. They understood that it is not sufficient to simply change one legislation or create another center, but that Italian women need to stand in solidarity to try and tackle the institutionally patriarchal Italian society. On November 26^th, 2016, they had their first big demonstration in Rome, which gathered over 200,000 women, men, and children, from all over Italy. Since then, the group has continued to grow, receiving funding through donations, and through the three pre-existing groups that founded it, and that they continue to work closely with.

Campaigns:

Non Una Di Meno has participated in two major campaigns since it was founded. The first is the #SiAmoAfrin campaign, an international campaign that Non Una Di Meno supports. It is a humanitarian aid campaign to help minority populations of Afrin affected by the war in Rojava. It is also an act of protest against the lack of response of the international community to the attacks on Afrin. Non Una Di Meno supports Rojava as an autonomous, feminist, region, whose values and goals align with those of the group. The second is the #WeTooGether campaign. The hashtag is modeled after the #MeToo movement, and shows support for that movement while staking their own claims. The #WeTooGether campaign is fighting for many goals which they have outlined in the 'Feminist Plan Against Male Violence Towards Women and all Forms of Gender Violence' (loosely translated), and these can be read at this link: https://nonunadimeno.wordpress.com/2017/11/16/non-una-di-meno-presenta-i...

Ideological Composition:

Non Una Di Meno is an anti-fascist, feminist group. Their ideological composition is important because Italy has a history of very right wing parties in power, and the legislation reflects this. The group is working to push back against fascism, and the aspects that come with a conservative government, like sexism and racism. The group is interventionist, meaning they don't want a dissolution of the government, but want to work with them to create new legislation. Though more than this, they value resistance and oppose the societal sexist norms. As the group is so large and consist of members all across Italy, there are most likely ideological splits among individuals, but all are feminist. The group does not delineate any distinction on their ideological position in relation to capitalism, although their emphasis on publicly funded women's shelters and healthcare suggest socialist tendencies.

Communication Strategy:

Non Una Di Meno uses social media to gain awareness and to keep the many volunteers and followers of the movement up to date on events and actions. Facebook is its biggest platform for coordinating and organizing events. The group's website regularly posts articles and links to videos related to the movement specifically, but also to feminism in general. They also have an Instagram and Twitter. The internal communication for the group happens at the assemblies in each city. This is where concerns are addressed and appropriate actions are decided, and the face-to-face meetings allow for more personal and effective communication.

Created New Spaces:

The group has created multiple non-Institutional anti-violence centers, as well as women's community centers for women to come together for support and community building. It has furthered the conversation on abortion, and has created spaces for women to talk openly about sexual assault and gender violence, allowing their voices to be heard by other women, men, and Italy as a whole.

The group works closely with D.i.Re, the Italian Network of Women's Shelters, which was already well established when Non Una di Meno formed. Their information can be found here.

Incorporated Cultural Forms:

Non Una Di Meno does not explicitly incorporate cultural or art forms into its practices. At their rallies, marches, picnics, dinners, and other events, there is often music and performances, but it is not a central cultural component to the group.

Oppositional Forces:

Because of the group's advocacy for pro-choice, many pro-life groups and religious groups are in opposition with them. As a Catholic country, pro-life groups such as Pro-Vita Onlus have a lot of support in Italy, from both women and men. Many prominent figures of the Catholic Church have opposed the pro-choice aspect of Non Una Di Meno, such as the late archbishop Carlo Caffarra. The Italian parliament is also in opposition to the group, as Non Una Di Meno has conducted sit ins and walk outs in many spaces in the public sphere, such as hospitals and schools, as well as marches that shut down streets. The media is an oppositional force that the group continues to struggle with, as they present the movement as a group of protesters, or women striking, and they do not publicize the group's overarching goal: to eradicate the systems of patriarchy that allow gender violence to continue. This lack of recognition from the media is important as it creates a lack of understanding between the movement and the general population. The group tries to overcome this with their social media, but it is not easy.

#StopTheShock- The Judge Rotenburg Center Protest

cbp22@duke.edu — Sun, 22 Apr 2018 01:01:24 +0000

Americans Disabled for Attendant Programs Today (ADAPT)

cbp22@duke.edu — Mon, 16 Apr 2018 20:22:43 +0000

Description:

ADAPT, or Americans Disabled for Attendant Programs Today, is a disability rights collective focused on highlighting and changing the institutional discrimination faced by disabled people. Founded in 1983 as a collective of activists from multiple existing disability rights groups who demanded that city buses include wheelchair-accessible lifts, ADAPT soon branched out into other disability rights issues, such as legislation that solidifies the rights of disabled people. ADAPT often makes headlines for their bold civilly disobedient tactics, such as occupying government offices or blocking bus routes.

Goals:

Change perception of disability “beyond mere tolerance”
Create a truly intersectional and coalitional movement
Critique the industrial realities that allow the subjugation of disabled people
Increase awareness and eventually end the ongoing institutional discrimination that hinders disabled people from living independent lives
- End the use of nursing homes for disabled people
- Continue to improve accessibility of public spaces

Historical/Political Context:

ADAPT is situated within the complex and diverse disability rights movement. Disabled people have been subjugated by the US government and US culture since the US's inception, from forced sterilizations to freak shows to social ostracization. The disability rights movement began gaining momentum in the 1960s, feeding off of the revolutionary energy of the civil rights movement and mounting tensions between disabled people and the US government (especially veterans). ADAPT called its fight for accessibility “Our Selma”, and it is through collaborations with the civil rights movement that ADAPT began and remains highly intersectional. Disability rights groups sought legislation prohibiting discrimination based on ability status following the 1964 passage of the Civil Rights Act. Eventually, disabled people and disabled allies came together to advocate the passing of the 1973 Rehabilitation Act, which granted disabled people some civil liberties and protection from discrimination. ADAPT used this legislation to advocate for more comprehensive legislation and reinforce its position that accessibility is a constitutional right. Together with other disability rights groups, ADAPT lobbied for the passing of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) that mandated accessibility accommodations and prohibited the discrimination of disabled people. Following the passing of the ADA, ADAPT focused on its implementation, ensuring that businesses and the government were following the law. However, institutional discrimination continues, with Nancy Fulco, an attorney with the Chamber of Commerce, declaring, “equal opportunity for the disabled is wonderful. Nobody is going to argue with that, but the practical realities are that there will be large costs associated with that.” Because of its high-profile actions, ADAPT has emerged as one of the most well-known disability rights groups.

Today, within the disability rights movement, there are lingering questions- Who is considered disabled? How do we define disability? Is it ethical to treat a disability as something to be “fixed”? Should allies be allowed to identify as disabled? There are also emerging questions, especially with the advent of new technology. For example, should people choose to abort fetuses with disabilities? Could a person choose not to “fix” their disability even if a cure was available? ADAPT must address these evolving questions and its evolving position within the movement.

Structure:

ADAPT is composed of a national office with over 30 local groups located around the US, and each ADAPT group has a contact.

When participating in an action, protesters are divided into 4-6 Color Teams (called this because each team wears a different colored flag on their person or wheelchair) with 5-7 Color Leaders per team. Color Leaders ensure that their team is communicating effectively. 8-12 Day Leaders (2 per color team) liaison between Color Teams. When Day Leaders meet and make decisions, the information is disseminated to the Color Leaders, and the Color Leaders give the information to their team members and solicit feedback.

Demographically, ADAPT is a truly intersectional group, stating in their Activist Handbook, "Our siblings who are Black, People of Color (POC) or members (or perceived to be members) of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, Queer (LGBTQ) community may be targeted because of racial, homophobic or transphobic bias. It is extremely important that ADAPTers are aware of this and watch out for each other." ADAPT welcomes able-bodied allies in addition to disabled members.

For more information on how ADAPT organizes its actions, see ADAPT's Activist Handbook.

Genealogy:

Early History

The history of ADAPT must begin in 1974, 9 years before the group’s initial founding. Fed up with being relegated to nursing homes despite their young age, a group of disabled people in a Heritage House in Denver, CO, along with Rev. Wade Blank, began to design truly independent and choice-based programming in the homes. However, the capitalist and bureaucratically-entangled nature of homes was fundamentally at odds with the group’s goal of “allow[ing] every disabled individual, regardless of the extent of their disability, the same rights and responsibilities of their non-disabled peers”. When the state of Colorado would not provide the group with funding they needed to live in their homes and in the wake of the negligent death of Patrick Smith, a Heritage House resident, they sued (Smith v. O’Halloran) and used the money awarded to found the Atlantis Community, the second independent living community of its kind.

The community was exceptionally successful in providing disabled people with a choice of living that was not institutionalizing, infantilizing or overly-limiting. However, one of the principal obstacles to members of the community’s independence was fundamentally institutional- the inaccessibility of city buses. Tensions rose to an all-time high on July 5, 1978, when a collection of Atlantis Community members also known as “The Gang of 19” physically blocked buses from completing their routes, demanding that the Regional Transportation District (RTD) provide buses with lifts for disabled people, filling the street with chants of “We will ride!”. These protests largely succeeded in making Denver’s public transit systems more accessible.

ADAPTers blocking the route of a Denver city bus.

Political cartoon depicting the Colorado Regional Transportation District's handling of ADAPT demands for accessibility.

ADAPT was Born/ Following the APTA

“The Gang of 19” engaged in increasingly more frequent protest actions in the coming years, including sledgehammering concrete to protest the lack of accessible curbs and occupying city official offices to demand more comprehensive education services. The Gang of 19 eventually decided that their radical activist actions should be attributed to a dedicated protest group, so Americans Disabled for Accessible Public Transit was born in 1983. The group protested the American Public Transit Association (APTA) at their annual convention in Denver by using their wheelchairs to block entrances to the Hilton hotel where the convention was occurring. Attempts for reconciliation with APTA leaders were unsuccessful.

These protests gave ADAPT its first national press, and activists from other states travelled to Denver to participate. When Colorado Gov. Richard Lamm announced he was against improving bus accessibility the following year, and supported Department of Transportation legislation that paralleled “separate-but-equal” school rulings, ADAPT travelled to Washington, D.C. to protest the national APTA conference. Protesters blocked buses and convention entrances and many were arrested, but the APTA refused to change its policies.

ADAPT persisted, and protested the 1985 APTA Executive Committee meeting in San Diego, CA and the Western Regional Conference in San Antonio, TX, using similar tactics. The APTA agreed to vote on a resolution mandating transit systems provide handicapped-accessible buses, but the resolution did not pass, resulting in more bus blockades by ADAPT. ADAPT simultaneously protested the San Antonio VIA Metropolitan Transit system’s use of vans instead of implementing accessible buses, blocking buses and holding VIA employees hostage in their office.

Similar protests and marches against the APTA occurred in Los Angeles, Cincinnati, and Detroit from 1984-1986, with Rosa Parks initially leading the Detroit action (However, it should be noted that once ADAPT used tactics like inciting police violence, Parks withdrew her support due to conflicts with her foundation for civil rights). ADAPT also protested Greyhound buses and bus-engineering trade shows using the same civil disobedience-inspired tactics. Anti-APTA protests continued to occur in Phoenix, San Francisco, St. Louis, Reno, and Atlanta from 1987-1989, but it soon became obvious to ADAPT members that a federal accommodations law was an important step in forcing the APTA to mandate accessibility for the disabled.

George Roberts and Les Hubbard of ADAPT smash a curb with a sledgehammer in 1980.

ADAPT Activists Bob Kafka, Stephanie Thomas, and Loretta Dufriend occupy the Detroit Westin protesting the APTA in 1986.

Mike Auburger, an ADAPT member, lies in a Greyhound bus baggage compartment, protesting the company's refusal to make its buses wheelchair-accessible.

McDonald’s Campaign

One of the group’s first national campaigns occurred in McDonald’s restaurants across the nation. In 1983 and 1984, ADAPT protested the fixed tables and chairs, handicap-inaccessible bathrooms, and lack of wheelchair ramps in McDonald’s locations by blocking, occupying and/or picketing the stores, and in a few cases, protesters were arrested, Eventually, ADAPT organizers met with regional McDonald’s corporate officials, asking for more accessible new restaurants, more disabled representation in marketing, and the eventual retrofitting of existing restaurants to make them more accessible. When McDonald’s released a statement following this meeting, ADAPT found it inadequate because it claimed that McDonald’s was not responsible for its franchisees’ choices. While McDonald’s claimed it had always taken measures to be accessible to disabled people, the increased accessibility of its newer stores was largely attributed to ADAPT.

Newspaper article outlining an ADAPT McDonald's sit-in and traffic obstruction and subsequent arrests.

ADAPT v. Burnley

ADAPT, along with other disability rights groups and other intersectional groups like AIDS patient rights groups and veterans rights groups, backed the proposed Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) as early as 1986. However, a much lesser-known legal victory (in ADAPT v. Burnley) was achieved by ADAPT, coalized with eleven other disability rights organizations, before the ADA was passed. On February 13, 1989, the US Court of Appeals overturned a previous District Court of Appeals ruling that paratransit systems were constitutional, and required buses to be made accessible. Following the ruling, ADAPT protested the Department of Transportation (DOT) and Urban Mass Transportation Administration (UMPTA) nationwide to keep them from appealing. ADAPT secured support for this movement from a few congressmen who pressured the Bush administration to not appeal the ruling, and no appeal was lodged. Note: After their goal of mandate accessible public transit was achieved, ADAPT changed its name to Americans Disabled for Attendant Programs Today.

ADAPTers George Roberts and Bob Kafka chain their wheelchairs together protesting the Urban Mass Transit Administration's potential appeal of the 1989 Court of Appeals ruling of paratransit systems as unconstitutional.

Wheels of Justice

Simultaneously to the ADAPT v Burnley ruling, the ADA passed through the Senate in 1989. However, it stalled in the House of Representatives. To encourage its passing, ADAPT organized a Wheels of Justice protest march in Washington, D.C.. A further obstacle was the Bush administration’s reluctance to fully endorse the bill. While the Bush administration initially supported the ADA, its provision of harshly penalizing businesses that did not comply with the new regulations was not supported by the Republican Party’s neoliberal values. Protesters dressed in Revolutionary War costumes and some crawled up the steps of the Capitol building in what became known as the “Capitol Crawl”. Over 1500 people demonstrated, and 104 people were arrested, and when ordered to register for probation, discovered that the building where this registering occurred was inaccessible to them, and sued the DC court system. When further efforts to get the House to pass the ADA went unheeded, ADAPT occupied House offices. The bill finally cleared the House, and on July 26, 1990, the ADA was signed into law by President Bush. The bill banned discrimination of disabled people in the workplace and guaranteed accommodations for public services like buses, among other provisions. Accordingly, in 1990, the DOT put in place a new regulation that buses must be made accessible, representing a major victory for ADAPT.

The Capitol Crawl protest action, 1990.

Olmstead Decision

In 1999, the Olmstead vs. L.C. and E.W. decision mandated that under the ADA, those with mental illnesses could not be institutionalized, and should be allowed to live in their home community. ADAPT supported this decision, but little was done to enforce it.

MiCASSA

In 2002, ADAPT authored the Medicaid Community Attendant Services Act (MiCASSA), which allowed Medicaid recipients to choose whether to spend their Medicaid funds on nursing homes or in-home attendants, who ADAPT believes grant disabled people more individual agency. The existing Medicaid system was fundamentally discriminatory against disabled people, and forced people into institutional homes that granted them very little independence. When MiCASSA was tabled due to the strength of the nursing home lobby, ADAPT members blocked governor’s vehicles at the 2002 National Governors Association (NGA) meeting in Boise. When MiCASSA was again stalled, ADAPT protested in the hotel lobby of the NGA meeting the following year in Indianapolis, only gaining access to the hotel because they purchased rooms and passed police barriers. When the Executive Committee of the NGA refused to meet with ADAPT leaders, and, as a result, ADAPT blockaded the hotel entrances to prevent the governors from attending a dinner. However, no resolution was ever reached, so over 500 ADAPT members traveled to Seattle for the 2004 NGA meeting. ADAPT held a rally in a park highlighting the pitfalls of Medicaid-mandated long term care then occupied the hotel and surrounding streets where the NGA meeting was taking place. Pennsylvania Governor Rendell agreed to bring the resolution to the NGA floor, and it was passed at the 2005 NGA. However, MiCASSA remained unpassed for several years, and was then rebranded as the Community Choice Act.

An ADAPTer protests in front of the White House for the passing of MiCASSA, 2005.

Olmstead Revisited

In 2009, ADAPT released a plan to advocate for enforcement of the Olmstead ruling, principally through its Community Choice Act. This included contacting lawmakers, creating ways to identify those at risk of institutionalization, and improving resources like transportation and housing for improved community integration. ADAPT’s actions played a role in the renewed push for the enforcement and implementation of the Olmstead ruling by the Civil Rights Division of the ADA, and President Obama’s declaration of 2009 as the “Year of Community Living” (However, Obama refused to mention the Community Choice Act, which ADAPT requested be included). The Community Choice Act remains unpassed.

ADAPT meeting encouraging people to contact lawmakers to pass the Community Choice Act, 2010.

Graham-Cassidy Amendment Opposition-2017

In 2017, following the election of Republican President Donald Trump and the achieving of Republican majorities in the House of Representatives and Senate, the Republican Party set about repealing President Obama’s Affordable Care Act (ACA). The ACA conferred disabled people benefits that the Republican Graham-Cassidy bill would slash. ADAPT activists initially protested the bill by occupying local GOP senator offices. However, as the bill came before Congress, ADAPT traveled to Washington, D.C. to occupy the Senate hallways and offices of Republican senators. Protesters were removed from Senate hearings and arrested in striking images that received national attention, and ADAPT garnered further noteriety on Twitter with the hashtag #ADAPTandRESIST. ADAPT succeeded in coercing some Republican senators to withdraw support from the bill, and Sen. Mitch McConnell withdrew the bill from the Senate as a result. This was a major victory for ADAPT; however, in January 2018, Congress partially repealed the ACA, and legislation is currently in Congress that, if enacted, will slash Medicaid funding. ADAPT continues to protest GOP senators on healthcare bills.

Protester is removed from her wheelchair by police while occupying Sen. Mitch McConnell's office.

#StopTheShock- The Judge Rotenburg Center Protest

Today, one of ADAPT’s principal goals is the shuttering of the Judge Rotenburg Center (JRC). The JRC is an institution depicted as a “school” for disabled people, and it subjects its residents to painful electric shocks as a part of “aversive therapy”. ADAPT organizers view the JRC as a clear violation of the ADA and Olmstead decision, and, as a result, have demanded that Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Director Dr. Scott Gottlieb order its closing and ban the devices that administer the shocks, called guaduated electronic decelerators (GEDs, which have been denounced by the UN as torture devices). ADAPT staged a 12-day Camp "ADAPT Stop the Torture” occupation of the space outside of Director Gottlieb’s apartment from March 9-March 20, 2018. During this period, rallies, chants, signage, and a theatrical performance which compared the JRC to a grotesque Oz from Wizard of Oz. A social media campaign with the hashtags #StopTheShock and #StopTheTorture was also launched on Twitter, with ADAPT members mentioning President Trump and imploring him to demand that Gottlieb outlaw GEDs. Neither the President nor Gottlieb made a statement. ADAPT members also met with New Jersey Congressman Chris Smith, who agreed to write legislation prohibiting the use of GEDs, and this process is ongoing.

For a day-by-day account of the occupation, see John Zangas’s article, “‘Stop the Shock’: FDA Director’s Home Besieged by Disability Rights Activists”

ADAPTers outside of FDA Director Gottlieb's apartment as part of Camp "ADAPT Stop the Shock".

Campaigns:

Acquire government recognition through laws, lawsuits like the ADA, Olmstead Decision, Smith vs. O’Halloran
Popularize independent living facilities like the Atlantis Community
Amplify the voices of more marginalized groups within the movement
Boycott discriminatory businesses like McDonald's and Greyhound
Campaign for the institutional legitimacy granted by legislation that explicitly supports the rights of disabled people

Ideological Composition:

Most members of ADAPT are oriented with the left, especially recently, with the GOP's harmful cuts to the ACA, but not fully aligned with the Democratic Party, as Democrat Presidents and Congresses have not endorsed the level of equality for disabled people that ADAPT demands. ADAPT typically puts party affiliations aside and supports the candidates that more closely align with their mission, such as their praise of Republican Congressman Chris Smith in his vow to close the Judge Rotenburg Center. There is a pseudo-anarchistic and anticapitalistic current within ADAPT, because many believe that the ties between industries like the nursing home, medical supply, and long-term care industries and the government are at least partially responsible for the lack of legal progress for disabled people. However, ADAPT members who participate in the occupying action must negotiate the tensions between organizing outside of the state that does not treat them as equal and organizing to achieve some (but not all) of their goals.

Communication Strategy:

Internally, much of each local ADAPT chapter's organizing is done through Facebook groups and other online methods of communication. The National ADAPT group puts information about upcoming actions on its website (adapt.org), which is publicly accessible.

Externally, social media campaigns and hashtags are an integral part of how ADAPT publicizes its message. Additionally, ADAPT writes press releases and journals of its actions, which can be found on its website. ADAPT's protests often include occupying offices of major government officials and departments, like Sen. Mitch McConnell's office and the FDA headquarters, so news outlets often publicize their protests.

ADAPT Websites/ Social Media (Also found in the right sidebar):

Created New Spaces:

Physically, ADAPT’s protests for accessibility have led to mandated accommodations, which allow disabled people to permanently access places they physically couldn’t before. ADA regulations mandate that facilities like bathrooms and public buildings be wheelchair accessible. However, the degree to which these accommodations are implemented varies. Additionally, the creation of an independent living community for disabled people (The Atlantis Community) represents an important alternative to the inherently and historically discriminatory government-sponsored institutions. More temporarily, by occupying and taking control of spaces like governmental offices, conferences, businesses, and roads, ADAPT is rearticulating these spaces as accessible and affectable by their causes.

ADAPT has also helped to create forums for disabled people to bring the discrimination they still face to the public’s attention. The ADA was seen by many as the end to the disability rights movement, as many thought that disabled people had achieved equality. However, more implicit discrimination is still embedded within institutions, and by raising up the voices of disabled people, ADAPT creates a conceptual space that was previously nonexistent.

Incorporated Cultural Forms:

Quote

“The strategy was to physically be a barrier because handicapped people have to face barriers all their lives" -Wade Blank

Quote

"In America, we have a way of hiding our prejudices with pragmatism" -Wade Blank

Quote

“To us there is no difference between riding a different bus and riding in the back of a bus if you’re black” -Jean Stewart

Quote

“For the estimated 1-2 percent of the population that is severely physically disabled, social prejudice is compounded by segregative obstacles such as stairs, curbs, and narrow doorways" -Jennefer Pittman

THANK YOU, ADAPT

A poem by Rhonda Lester

There is a little boy

Very close to my heart

Who is a bit different

But handsome and smart.

Strangers who meet him

Can't get past the chair,

But he goes on bravely,

Not seeming to care.

He's strong and he's tough-

He almost has to be-

But he is one of the warriors

Who wants to be free.

We are always standing by you,

For our fight is real.

We wanted you to know

How grateful we feel.

So thank you all clearly

For all that you've done

For the movement, myself,

And my son.

Oppositional Forces:

Food and Drug Administration, US Government/Congress, Colorado Regional Transportation District (historically), The McDonald's Corporation (historically), Greyhound Lines, Inc. (historically), American Public Transit Association (historically), Department of Transportation (historically), Urban Mass Transportation Administration (historically), National Governors Association (historically)